Interactions of Islamist Radicalisation in Social and Political Contexts

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the legal and political framework for the so-called war on terror has been steadily tightened worldwide. Legislators, authorities, and courts are signaling their willingness to not only respond to concrete terrorist threats, but also to reduce terrorist risks through a concept of “preventive security policy.” This means that the criminal liability of terrorist offenders is extended both in terms of time and scope, as are the surveillance and intervention powers of security authorities and the deportation of foreign terrorist suspects. A politically and legally accepted “cascade effect” of such a concept of preventive security is that the group of people affected by security measures will grow. It also affects Muslims in their fundamental and human rights, who either do not belong to radicalised Islam at all or, as in the context of deportation orders under migration law, “merely” sympathise with it.

For this reason, the project first analysed the fundamental and human rights burdens imposed on the targets and affected third parties by anti-terrorism measures. Particular attention was paid to whether and to what extent specific fundamental and human rights burdens on Muslims could be identified, which were systematised in the study under the term “cascade effects” and evaluated on the basis of fundamental and human rights standards.

Terrorism laws increasingly interfere with fundamental rights, especially those of non-German nationals, and also affect the human rights of non-radicalised Muslims (family members, civil society and humanitarian actors). Judicial protection at the national and European level is often effective in this regard, but not always.

Islamic religious education (IRE) in German schools has, over the course of its trial phase, developed into a sensitive arena of negotiation, where differing expectations and claims from the state and the Muslim community intersect. The project's core hypothesis is that a crisis of trust between the state and the Muslim community may be emerging – a rift that could potentially fuel radicalisation.

This sub-project approached the issue from an educational science perspective, investigating the crucial question of whether Islamic religious education in German schools has a preventive or radicalising effect.

The dynamics of the interaction described above were to be empirically recorded on the basis of three dimensions of problem perception among Muslims. The following three dimensions describe the acceptance problem in the Muslim community and, at the same time, the possibilities and limits of Islamism prevention through the institutionalisation of IRE:

1. The debate over the feasibility of implementing IRE has contributed to perceptions within Muslim communities of being unequally treated, or even structurally discriminated against. Many Muslims view the unresolved status of IRE as a rejection of their interests and needs.
2. Initial enthusiasm for the subject has always been accompanied by deep scepticism regarding its denominational nature. This sub-project therefore raises important questions about whether parents and associations see their theological perspectives reflected in the current forms of IRE.
3. The professionalism of Islamic education teachers has emerged, through experience gained during the trial phase, as a pressing practical challenge. The provisional legal status of IRE significantly undermines the position of its teachers. Issues such as “theological competence”, the granting of a “teaching licence” (ijāza), and the question of who holds theological authority can lead to serious tensions and cast doubt on a teacher’s subject expertise within the school context.

The project examined the acceptance problems of the IRE on the basis of the three dimensions mentioned above with case studies in eight federal states. This was done in order to take into account the great diversity in the organisation of the IRE. Twenty-six cities were selected based on a preliminary inquiry to the relevant authorities.

The Muslims surveyed appreciate the IRE, above all for taking into account different theological and legal schools. Disproportionate state intervention, but also excessive influence by associations, are viewed critically. Transparent information from the state, trust in the state, and opportunities for participation are central to the acceptance of the IRE. The same applies to the competence and authenticity of Muslim teachers.

The project initially explored the interactions and potential co-radicalisation processes within urban societies – specifically between anti-Muslim actors and groups associated with “radical Islam” – and examined how these dynamics affect other parts of urban life, particularly other Muslim communities. To do so, the research team conducted discourse analyses and carried out individual and group interviews to capture these processes. Of particular interest were the consequences of such co-radicalisation dynamics for different segments within Muslim communities.

In the next phase, the project turned its attention to various formats of communication, engagement and mediation that had been set up in response to radicalisation processes. These initiatives were studied using methods such as participant observation. The project focused on four urban regions: Dresden, Erfurt, Frankfurt am Main and Mannheim/Ludwigshafen – deliberately including both eastern and western German contexts.

The second strand of research and analysis took the insights gained from these urban settings as a starting point to address a broader question: under what conditions is it possible to engage in socially constructive criticism of Islam – criticism that addresses real issues without fuelling (co-)radicalisation? Findings from the city-based research were discussed with experts from various professional backgrounds and assessed for their generalisability and potential for broader application. The discussions included practitioners working in dialogue and extremism prevention, interdisciplinary scholars, Muslims and critics of Islam alike. In a final empirical phase, role-play simulations were used to test potential approaches derived from these reflections.

A key finding was that prevention efforts targeting radicalisation and Islamism often trigger deep mistrust among Muslims, as many feel they are being placed under general suspicion. For example, when funding for Muslim-led projects is available only under the label of "prevention". Sweeping criticism of Islam and apologetic responses from Muslim actors frequently lead to a spiral of mutual defensiveness and antagonism. This can, in turn, foster processes of (co-)radicalisation.

The feeling of being discriminated against, rejected, and treated with hostility has real consequences. People who experience this tend to have low self-esteem and dissatisfaction with their lives. Studies also show that experiences of discrimination are linked to changes in attitudes and behavior.

Muslims feel discriminated against more often than other population groups in Germany, with systemic experiences of discrimination being particularly prevalent. Compared to discrimination on a personal level, this leads to a greater loss of trust in social and political institutions, dissatisfaction with the political system, and the questioning of democratic norms and values. It is therefore important to understand the connection between systemic discrimination and attitudes, emotions, and behaviors, and to have an idea of the microanalytical (social) psychological processes underlying this connection. However, there has been a lack of data for Germany examining the effects of systemic discrimination perceptions on changes in attitudes and behavior among Muslims. In particular, there has been no evidence of a cause-and-effect relationship.

The subproject investigated this using a randomised controlled experiment – the first of its kind in Germany in an experimental setting.

The traces of discrimination are not only emotional in nature, but are also reflected in the (political) attitudes and diverse behaviors of Muslims. It was found that perceptions of group-based discrimination have a particularly strong impact on attitudes. For example, trust in the police is significantly weakened, and among Muslims with a clear Islamic identity, trust in the German Bundestag is also weakened. Personal discrimination elicits stronger coping strategies at the behavioral level, including humor.

There is a strong perception among Muslims that political institutions and actors have the ability to protect Muslims from discrimination but apparently lack the will to actually provide this protection. The state itself is also often seen as a source of discrimination.

In the public perception, Islamic internet forums are primarily associated with “radical Islam” or seen as potential sites for radicalisation and the dissemination of propaganda. In this respect, the public perception of Islamic online forums poses a problem for Muslims who are largely uninvolved in the scene, as their digital communication is also seen as a potential site for radicalisation and is viewed with suspicion.

This project looked at various German-speaking Facebook groups for Muslim women who are not involved in the scene, which are not intended for discussing Islam but for exchanging ideas on everyday topics, including household and decoration groups, cooking groups, and weight loss groups. The project investigated the topics – such as marriage, child-rearing, and education – and the forms of Islamic norm-setting that occur there. The focus was on how the Muslim women's community reacts to Islamic norms and which arguments and sources are used in the discussion. The Muslim women are not stigmatised with common stereotypes as potential victims or perpetrators, but are valued for their potential as members of mainstream society. For the evaluation, the speakers' individual identities were kept in the background. The women's chat histories were analysed with the aim of identifying new possibilities for online prevention work based on the German-speaking Muslim community's own approach to Islamic norms.

The aim of the study was to examine patterns of communication within Islam and to gain practical insights into gender- and religion-sensitive prevention work. The project produced a qualitative content analysis and an online ethnography in various Facebook groups of Muslim women. Expert interviews provided additional practical information for the development of recommendations for action.

It became apparent that closed Muslim women's groups on Facebook are not places of radicalisation, but rather safe spaces for Muslim women to exchange views on everyday challenges and discrimination. The women respond to attempts to introduce low-level extremist messages and strict dogmatism into the groups with a friendly tone and a pragmatic approach to Islamic norms. Uncertainties about the German legal framework for the Islamic religious practices of women also became apparent.

Islamic sermons in Germany are often seen by the public as a source of radicalisation. Muslim associations, on the other hand, see them as an antidote to radicalisation. Despite their importance for Islamic religious life, Islamic sermons have hardly been studied scientifically in a global context, but have instead been the subject of journalistic coverage. This subproject addressed the necessary socio-political debate and the complexity of the topic with a systematic, methodical, and interdisciplinary scientific analysis of the Friday sermons of the three major associations of Turkish origin. This allowed for a better understanding of related problems and (in exchange with Islamic theologians, imams, and Muslim associations) reforms regarding their content to be initiated.

The project compared whether the sermons prescribed by the associations nationwide were actually delivered or whether, for example, the associations used their own content or the sermons of the Turkish Diyanet. In addition, a systematic investigation was carried out to determine whether there were differences between the Turkish and German versions of the respective Friday sermons. In focus group interviews with Muslims and Islamic theologians, excerpts from sermons were also discussed in order to develop targeted recommendations for action for Muslim associations and politicians at the end of the project.

The sermons collected for evaluation were compiled in a systematically organised sermon archive and will be made publicly available in the course of 2025.

It became clear that most sermons delivered by the major Turkish-origin associations focus primarily on general ethical and moral guidance – for example, on interpersonal relationships within the family and community, virtues, education, and upbringing – as well as on basic teachings of core beliefs and ritual duties. However, social and political topics are also addressed, with suggested Muslim perspectives: discrimination is framed in religious terms, and patience as well as peaceful, constructive responses are encouraged. Terror and violence are explicitly rejected. All associations regularly call on their congregants to actively engage in broader society. One limiting factor, however, is the continued predominance of the Turkish language, which means that part of the congregation is not being reached effectively.